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Escape from Hengyang by Qiong Yao |
Robert Marquand of "The Christian Science Monitor", in June 03, 2004 edition, wrote an article entitled "New story emerges of an infamous massacre", which was to play into Chinese Communists' denial of massacre on the Square. CCP clandestinely thought that should the Square be cleared of any massacre, then the massacre of the Peking city would become a myth. In deed, they thought they could get away from it with the acquiesce of US, Russia and Japan. Henry Kissinger claimed that Chinese communists were most tolerant since no government in this world would allow mobsters to take over capital for so long. And, George Bush Sr was certainly eager to send brother Prescott and secret emissary Brent Scowcroft to renew relations with butchers. A reactionary communist regime, which is bent on destroying China and the Chinese people, would certainly meet the American criteria of "containing so-called 'sleeping lion' of the Orient", i.e., a 1850s policy that passed down from merchant-turned naval general Matthew Perry as well as revived in the US transfer of Diaoyutai Islands, i.e., Senkaku Gunto [Pinnacle Islands], to Okinawa [Ryukyu] of Japan in 1971. The underlying logic behind "The China Exception: Russian Communism being wicked, Chinese are good communists" is an inherent fear of the Yellow Peril, i.e., billion Chinese would actually enjoy real democracy, go to college, and develop their intelligence. JUNE 4TH MASSACRE()
Tian'an'men Massacre on June 4th 1989 may not be the sole atrocity that had occurred on the square. Zheng Nian, i.e., the author of "Life And Death In Shanghai", had mentioned that ultra-leftist militia under Peking Mayor Wu De inflicted a bloody crackdown on mourners on April 5th 1976. http://museums.cnd.org/China89/ stated a commonly perceived mythical fallacy that "Mao Zedong labeled the April 5 [1976] event a 'counter-revolutionary riot' and ordered to 'use military force if necessary, but do not open fire'." Zhang Liang, the alias name author of "Truth About Tian'an'men" [i.e., THE TIANANMEN PAPERS, reviewed by Andrew J. Nathan, Perry Link & Orville Schell], claimed that on April 5th 1976, 13 years earlier, CCP mobilized 10000 militia, 3000 police and 5 battalions of garrison troops, arrested 388 people, but killed nobody [??? a myth or a continuous cover-up while Zhang Liang, per Jin Zhong, could very well be Wu Jiaxiang]. Throughout the summer evenings of 1976, I had heard, from neighboring people, about numerous horrific stories to the effect that Peking militia pierced the mourners with spears, dumped passed-out victims to the crematorium, or spared death some woman victim who climbed out of the dead corpses. Most of the stories had come from the "business clerks of working units" who travelled out of town, incidentally. Over 20 years ago, Qian Jiaju wrote that hundreds of Peking citizens were killed by militia in 1976, and some 50 bodies were shipped to Shanghai for cremation. While April 5th 1976 crackdown was related to mourning late premier Zhou Enlai, Tian'an'men Massacre on June 4th 1989 [massacre of the Peking city to be exact] would be related to mourning late CCP general secretary Hu Yaobang. The significant difference of June 4th 1989 Massacre from that on April 5th 1976 would be the fact that reporters from news media all over the world, who had converged upon Peking for Gorbachev visitation and the World Bank meeting, had witnessed the communist killing machines, i.e., tanks, machine guns, bayonets and dumdum bullets. By daybreak of June 4th 1989, following advice from some wise ass at CCP Central, people's liberation army, which had prohibited medical staff from rescuing wounded people or retrieving dead corpses overnight, had cleaned up streets and Tian'an'men Square for sake of preventing satellites from taking snapshots. 
Note communist slaughter on Tian'an'men Square was not its first act of terror in history, and it won't be the last.
China and Chinese lived in terrors since Peng Pai and Mao Tse-tung launched rascal-proletariat peasant movements in 1927. Peng Pai had at one time claimed that communist law would be simply the execution of landlords once they were caught. Mao Tse-tung, directly responsible for the rascal movement in Hunan Province in 1927, would be the red-handed culprits in the Purge of Anti-Bolshevik League during 1930-1931, the Purge of Trotskyists during 1937-1941, and the Rectification Movement during 1942-1945.
After obtaining power in 1949, the Chinese Communists (CCP) launched the "Suppression of Reactionaries Movement" in addition to the "Land Reform" that would see 2 million landlords and relatively wealthy peasants executed. (CCP Bloody Land Reform, however, already started in 1947. See Fanshen: A Documentary of Revolution in a Chinese Village that was first recorded by William Hinton [Han Ding] whose daughter, Carma Hinton, made the documentary The Gate Of Heavenly Peace with Richard Gordon.) "Elimination of Counterrevolutionaries" was further launched in 1955 with the advent of 'Hu Feng Reactionary Clique'. In between, CCP never stopped its terror campaign as exhibited by the execution death of 1911 Xin Hai Revolution veteran Xia Zhishi together with elder brother, junior brother [4th son in order] and a nephew in the spring of 1951 in Hetongxian county of Sichuan Province. The communists launched separate movements of "Three Anti & Five Anti" in 1951 and 1952, respectively. With the changes in the international arena, i.e., Stalinism being negated in USSR in 1956 and the horrors of the Purge being exposed by Nikita Khrushchov, Mao launched the 'Rectification Movement' on April 27th, 1957. Then, Mao said he had successfully induced the snakes out of their hybernation and officially launched 'Anti-Rightist Movement' in June 1957. Lushan Meeting of July 2-Aug 16 1959 declared the 'Peng Dehuai Anti-Party Clique'. After 1959's Lushan Meeting, Mao went on the Anti-Rightist Trend to rout another 3,800,000 people. Mao Tse-tung's terror reached its climax during the Cultural Revolution. Only the death of Mao in 1976 would see China enjoy a short respite from the political persecutions conducted by the Cult, i.e., CCP. The evil nature of communism and its Chinese practitioners never changed, ending in the horrendous massacre in the city of Peking on June 4th, 1989. Following will be links to websites with a vault of pictures about June 4th 1989 Massacre:
Hu Yaobang, Reform & Death 1989 was a turbulent year for China. In Jan 1989, Fang Lizhi, former university vice president of China Science & Technology University in Anhui Prov, wrote an open letter to Deng Xiaoping in demand of the release of Wei Jingsheng [i.e., Democracy Wall activist]. In following months, more intellectuals joined Fang Lizhi, demanding political reform. In the section on "Enlightened Intelligentsia" below, we will cover the parallel thread to the student movement. 
On April 15th 1989, deposed CCP Party General Secretary Hu Yaobang passed away. On the campus of Peking University, big character posters showed up with calls for political reform.
On April 17th, ten thousand students swarmed onto Tian'an'men Square to show respect for the late leader. The next day, tens of thousands of students converged upon the square and in front of "People's Great Wall" for a demonstration against CCP Central's deliberate low-tone mourning arrangement.
Students raised "seven demands". This would be what I termed here as Second Students' Movement in communist era, not counting the "red guards" movements that were officially sanctioned and launched by the CCP.
Intellectuals, students and ordinary people across China began to show respect for this open-minded rectifier of communist faults and torts with various articles or publications.
Newspaper across the country, including "World Economic Herald", began to publish series of articles extolling Hu Yaobang's feats for which he was sacked by "paramount" leader Deng Xiaoping in early 1987 in the aftermath of First Students' Movement in Dec 1986.
Hu Yaobang [1915-1989] was a veteran communist cadre who joined the Red Army Long March as a Hunan Province teenager in 1934. By 1952, Hu Yaobang was apparently serving the PLA's Second Field Army in Sichuan Province as some kind of propagandist whom writer Bai Hua likened to short statured instigator Lenin. (I had at one time thought short statured Deng Xiaoping might have picked Hu Yaobang for the same physique.) Some writer pointed out that Hu Yaobang differed from most other communists on the matter of "hiding or revealing emotions", e.g., crying sadly upon news of his father's death, something that was a deviation from communist iron-fist style. Bai Hua's article at http://www.secretchina.com/news/articles/4/4/2/62703.html, however, showed that Hu Yaobang was not much different from General Heh Long gang who were notorious for monopolizing detached houses and villas as well as holding twice-weekly dancing parties with skillfull women dancers [i.e., those women who were selected by KMT spy chief Dai Li for serving the American military observers and American officers of "Sino-American Cooperation Office" which was a collaboration project with US navy information bureau.] Bai Hua, i.e., the party organizer and dancer picker in Sichuan Province in 1952, stated that only Deng Xiaoping did not like to dance with women but play bridge card game. Not long time ago, in 1945, CCP was accusing KMT of taking custody of five 'zi' suffixed commodities including fang-zi [houses], nuu-zi [women] and jin-zi [gold] from collaborators with Japanese invaders. General Heh Long was commonly known as a monster of lust, by the way. And, first CCP Sichuan provincial secretary Li Jingquan or his pal Yan Hongyan could possibly be the executor who decapitated Wang Shiwei on the bank of Yellow River in 1947. In Sichuan Province, Gao Wenjun witnessed the execution of two classmates as a warning to 3000 KMT Whampoa 23rd Session cadets who were sold out to PLA by the schoolmaster. Throughout early 50s, People's Liberation Army had engaged in banditry quelling, often slaughtering KMT captives in hordes. http://www.secretchina.com/news/articles/4/5/14/65096.html carried an eyewitness account of PLA officers [from Qin Jiwei's unit] eating livers from KMT captives. Hu Yaobang, who was sent to Sichuan Province, hence bonded his relations with communist leaders of Sichuan Province nativity, including Deng Xiaoping. After Deng Xiaoping re-asserted his control over CCP by toppling Mao-designated heir Hua Guofeng in 1981, both Zhao Ziyang and Hu Yaobang were selected as the right-hand and left-hand men. [To gain a historical review of Zhao Ziyang, check Li Dali's comment on Zhao Ziyang's implication in the "each and every village must have blood-letting" movement in Guangdong Province in early 1950s. Also check Jin Zhong's writing on the execution death of Zhao Ziyang's father [Zhao Wenbin] while Zhao Ziyang was CCP deputy regional secretary for Puyang of Henan Prov.) In 1977, Wang Juntao was set free after spending nine months in prison for participating in April 5th 1976 movement. Also in 1977, Ba Hua first drafted a drama entitled "Twilight" to criticise the leftist catastrophe of the 1930s, and paralyzed CCP former public security minister Luo Ruiqing, for his red-handed role in 1930 persecution as well as his victim role in the cultural revolution, had doubts about exposing the communist darkness. In late 1970s, after the fall of the Gang of Four (ultra-leftists), CCP's 3rd Plenary of the 11th Central Committee proposed liberalization of thoughts in late 1978. Hu Yaobang, acting as deputy schoolmaster of CCP Party Academy, advocated for "practice being the sole measure for validating truth". By 1979, Hu Yaobang, as CCP Propaganda Department chief / CCP Secretariat secretary-in-chief, rectified hundreds of thousands of CCP persecutions dating to 1955 Hu Feng Clique. Hu Yaobang had been responsible for restoring reputation and rectifying CCP faults and torts beyond the cultural revolution. Bai Hua stated that initially Hu Yaobang was furious over one scholar when the said scholar gave an inverse question: "Don't you think there exists one case that should not be rehabilitated since the founding of the country?" 'Wounds Literature' popped out, describing various persecutions and tortures that the communist leaders and their families had endured during the CR. The movie 'Bitter Love' described two lovers and their stories during CR. Some movies ("Legends Of Tianyunshan Mountains", e.g.) carried 'Wounds Literature' further, beyond the CR, to the Anti-Rightists Movement of late 1950s. Democracy Wall, which was built on top of a public poster area near 38th Route Bus stop, would erupt in 1978. Deng Xiaoping, for poster's targeting Huan Guofeng's observing "two whatever Mao Tse-tung said or did", would alert foreign reporters to the presence of "Xidan Democracy Wall". Soon, Wei Jingsheng publicly criticised Deng Xiaoping as someone who would become the second dictator and called for democracy [i.e., 5th modernization] in addition to "four modernizations". Inside of Beijing University, Wang Juntao & Zhou Weimin launched "Beijing Spring" magazine, while Wei Jingsheng participated in "Search" magazine. Hou Xiaotian mentioned that Wang Juntao, during a visit to secretariat-secretary Hu Yaobang in July 1979, was told: "Old brother, as to playing politics, the skillset of you guys was not up to par yet." (Hu Yaobang, in reference to Song Dynasty reformer Wang Anshi's failure, mentioned to Wang Juntao that he and 14000 soldiers could not defeat 3000 army commanded by KMT General Fu Zuoyi [see first shot of communist civil war for Fu Zuoyi's feats].) Liberal criticisms of CCP, heralded by "Xidan Democracy Wall" activists, would end as an episode called the 'Beijing Spring' by late 1979. Wang Juntao stopped publishing "Beijing Spring" magazine in 1980. Political control was tightened after Deng successfully overthrew Mao-designated heir (Hua Guofeng) on Jan 29th, 1981. A woman worker, by the name of Fu Yuehua, was arrested for carrying a poster on the Square in protest of 15 year sentence that Wei Jingsheng received. In 1980, Wang Juntao, Hu Ping and Chen Ziming participated in first wave of "free elections" on university campuses for Peking district representatives of the National People's Congress. (For the active role in grassroot democracy movement, they were almost kicked out of Peking city at graduation in 1982.) Also in 1980, "bodily-system [i.e., structure] reform institute" was established, with members being mostly young scholars who were influenced by Western economic theories. Nicknamed "peasant party", young scholars, from 1980 to 1986, first proposed "contractual system" for peasants to develop agriculture. As a reward for Hu Yaobang's proactive role in blasting Hua Guofeng [for "leftist" mistakes, including attempts at making himself an icon similar to Mao], Deng Xiaoping made Hu Yaobang into general secretary of the Communist party in 1980 and party chairman in 1981. Zhao Ziyang tacked on the premier post in 1980. At the 6th Plenary of CCP 11th Central Committee in June 1981, Deng Xiaoping himself changed seat to CCP Military Committee chair in lieu of the rubber-stamp post at People's Political Consultative Conference. Deng Xiao-ping, to justify his crackdown on the 'Xidan Democracy Wall', would launch the theory of 'Four Insistencies', namely, Insisting On Communist Dictatorship [i.e., People's Democratic Dictatorship]. A warning, related to the criticism of the Movie 'Bitter Love', was issued to the entertainment industries and propaganda ministry. Bai Hua said that Hu Yaobang had protected him on the matter of "Bitter Love" though Hu Yaobang refused to watch the movie himself in Jan 1981. On April 20th 1981, "People's Liberation Army Newspaper" issued a commentary stating that "four insistencies should not be violated". ("People's Liberation Army Newspaper", "Peking Daily" and "Peking TV Station" were said to be controlled by the most conservative faction of CCP.) Throughout 1981, Hu Yaobang, on numerous occasions and during several meetings, tried to compromise between the "enlightened" writers [i.e., Bai Hua and Ba Jin etc] and conservative [i.e., reactionary] communists. In late 1983, a short term movement called 'Anti-Bourgeois Liberalization & Anti-Westernization' was launched, but it lasted 27 days due to lack of support. CCP devised a term called "spiritual contamination" for the Westernized thoughts. On Dec 29th 1985, Chinese Writers' Association, per Bai Hua, held a liberalized meeting which senior CCP leaders, like Hu Yaobang, Wan Li, Xi Zhongxun, Hu Qili and Bo Yibo etc attended. In 1984, Wang Juntao and Chen Ziming both courageously resigned their jobs at government agencies for launching non-governmental research institutes, respectively. Societies and associations flourished both in society and on campuses. Various science & technology development companies were established across the country, leading to formation of so-called "China-Silicon Valley" in Zhongguancun of Beijing where Sitong [Stone] Computer Company would be labeled a 'black hand' after the massacre for the sympathy and donations to student movement. German "superman philosopher" Friedrich Nietzsche writings revived as happened during the "new culture movement" of 1910s, and young students, like me, nevertheless felt lofty after reading a few pages about "superman". (Incidentally, at about this time, entering China's market would be Christopher Reeve's 1978 3-D movie "Superman" which college students watched as part of so-called "communist youth league" entertainment activity.) Coinciding events would be the publication of Bai Yang's "The Ugly Chinaman" in 1985. Also prevalent among college students would be ideas of "futurologist school of thought", Alvin Tofler, and "The Third Wave" that were propagated by Wen Yuankai. Su Xiaokang, i.e., a then cultural-national nihilist in my present opinion, presided over a six-part anti-tradition/anti-culture TV serial entitled "River Elegy" ("He [Yellow River] Shang [mourning]). (What Su Xiaokang did not know, by embracing wholesale Westernized "blue sea civilization", would be something more disturbing: Su Xiaokang may never realize a racial weakness, i.e., that blue or green color had the spellbound effect of a magician on servility Chinese women.) In the summer of 1986, Deng Xiaoping proposed "hastening up political reform". Fang Lizhi toured colleges and universities with preaching of democracy. With Zhao Ziyang and "bodily-system [i.e., structure] research institute" in charge of economic reform, Hu Yaobang sought the assistance of Chen Ziming and Min Qi in establishing a separate "China Politics & Administration Research Institute". Wang Juntao was hired over from Wuhan city by Chen Ziming. After Hu Yaobang's loss of job, "China Politics & Administration Research Institute" was renamed to "Social, Economical & Scientific Research Institute of Peking". (Chen Ziming, Min Qi & Wang Juntao claimed to herald "economic positivism" in China beginning from 1987.) Zhao Ziyang was to become "interim CCP General Secretary" while Li Peng tacked on the premier post. Another 'Anti-Bourgeois Liberalization Movement' followed in early 1987. Three prominent intellectuals, i.e., Fang Lizhi, Liu Binyan and Wang Ruowang, were singled out by CCP Central, to be stripped of party membership. Soon, Zhao Ziyang himself began to act in a "liberal" [or bourgeoisie] way, wearing Western suits and sun-glasses, playing golf, and executing on sensitive politics without consultation with "paramount" leader. (Lin Mu cited Li Honglin's May 17th 1989 conversation in pointing out that Zhao Ziyang disbanded Deng Liqun & Xiong Fu's conservative CCP organs right after assumption of CCP general secretary, and further protected Bao Tong, Li Honglin & Yu Haocheng etc from Deng Liqun's blacklist.) First Students' Movement In December of 1986, First Students' Movement erupted in major cities of China, demanding democracy as well as punishment of corrupt officials. Li Bei pointed out, at http://www.secretchina.com/news/articles/4/6/2/66074.html, that it was the result of Fang Lizhi rotating visitation to major universities that led to the 1986 student movement across the country in 1986. Fang Lizhi visited Shanghai campuses around Nov. Several newspapers, including 'World Economic Herald' reported on the speeches. (However, I had also heard from my highschool classmate that Fang Lizhi might have tried to stop students from going out of the campus of China Science & Technology University, which impressed me as something similar in behavior to Fang Lizhi's seeking asulym inside of US embassy in Peking after the 1989 massacre. Zeng Huiyan's 1988 book, "Records Of Student Movements In Mainland China" [Jan 1989 edition, Globe Publishing House, HK], pointed out that deputy schoolmaster Fang Lizhi pleaded with 2000 students for 'rationality' in front of the library of Chinese Science & Technology University [CSTU] on Dec 5th 1986.) 2500 students left the library for the street at about 1:15 pm on Dec 5th, with slogans such as "Long Live The Republic!", "Reform The Election System", "We Want Democracy, Not Cracy-demo". First Student Movement's trigger started with Dec 1st campus poster in regards to communist party branch secretary's secretive internal assignment of regional candidates for the western Hefei city district of the National People's Congress [NPC]. Days later, on Dec 4th, inside of CSTU auditorium where student leaders proposed their NPC regional candidacy, Fang Lizhi made a speech about democracy; however, the second day, Fang Lizhi cautioned against going to the streets. Wen Yuankai, at the auditorium, also made an encouraging speech, and mentioned NPC chief Wan li's comment as to "democratic administration of CSTU" [a comment made in Wan Li's Nov 30th visit to the campus]. Anhui University heard about the commotion inside of CSTU, and coordinated for the second day parade with students of CSTU. On Dec 5th, CSTU students converged with Anhui U & Hefei Industrial U in front the municipality building, causing a firestorm across the nation when students in Wuhan, Kunming, Nanking, Shanghai, Jinan, Tianjin, Haerbin, Hangzou, Suzhou, Shenzhen, Guangzhou & Beijing echoed their support. On Dec 9th, in commemoration of 12-9-1935 student movement, CSTU launched another protest. Wuhan students in Wuchang of Hubei Province went on the street on the same day. Two days later, CSTU poster appeared on the campus of Beijing University. 
In Shanghai, then mayor Jiang Zemin [i.e., later CCP secretary-general after 1989 masacre], was hush-hushed off the stage of auditorium of Shanghai Jiaotong University when he tried to rein in student protesters. Before leaving the stage, Jiang Zemin exhibited his ugly 'mouth & face" by threatening a student: "Dare you tell me your name and your department?"
Note that Jiaotong University did not participate in the protest movement till one of their students was hit by gymnasium picketing staff on the night of Dec 9th: Gymnasium workers hated to see those Chinese, especially Chinese girls, jump onto the stage to dance with American "Jan & Dean" rock'n roll team. (Chinese populace were not used to the kind of racial "openness", whereas today it could be said to be an ironic and ludicrous fad.)
After newspapers refused to report on the violence, Jiaotong U students wrote a public poster on campus on 15th [which was not related to the Dec 10th poster in regards to CSTU student movement].
After campus security staff tore apart the poster, students came up with a new batch of posters on 16th, this time, talking about political agenda in lieu of punishment of the gymnasium culprits.
Students representatives held an unsuccessful dialogue with city police.
After "Youth Newspaper" scrapped 40000 pieces of printouts with "reader's response" covering the gym matter, Jiaotong U, together with Tongji U, decided on a demonstration on the night of Dec 17th.
On the morning of Dec 18th, Jiaotong U students were said to engaged in zigzag wars with campus security in posting the notices after being torn apart.
Jiang Zemin suddenly made a decision to see the students for the "dialogue"; however, students refused to go to the 400 person hall inside of Bao-zaolong Library.
Surprised that library was quiet but bragging that he feared nothing as a 'senior student leader of 1940s', Jiang Zemin was then steered to the auditorium.
Dialogue ended up inside of the 4000 person auditorium where Jiang Zemin rushed to the stage, received a round of applause at the introduction of schoolmaster Weng Shilie, talked about three notable figures [like him] who graduated from Jiaotong, and hoped that a 4th person would derive from the ranks of 'listening [to communist party]' students. When Jiang rebuked liberty as something first proposed 200 years ago, students were offended. Jiang's order to stop hush-hush was ignored. 25 students and one teacher came up to the stage to raise questions. Jiang ultimately lost his face after entanglement for 4 hours.
While Jiang Zemin rushed to Jiaotong, municipal party secretary Rui Xinwen went to CENU where he failed to see any student activity. 2000 students from Tongji started the parade after noon without advance knowledge of Jiaotong University dialogue with the mayor. After wrestling with 300 teachers for one hour, about 1000 students, with banners, broke out of the campus gate. Tongji U students, however, changed course towards Fudan U, scaring the gatekeepers into a closure. Students marched through the campus of Fudan, but failed to rally any support. Tongji students were steered back to the campus after i) college-sanctioned "student society" leader took control of the banner and ii) 500 students were persuaded off the parade by teachers. After checking out the 'treachery' of Jiaotong U, college students of Shanghai coordinated for Dec 19th massive demonstration. On Dec 19th, Shanghai students mounted a massive protest, with impact seen near the municipality building on the Bund as well as the NPC building at People's Square. 2000 police were deployed against the sitting-in students in front of the municipality under Jiang Zemin's order. Yang Wei, a student who returned from US, was arrested. Both Tongji U and Fudan U held banners claiming to be supportive of i) Deng Xiaoping and ii) reform. China Eastern Normal University [CENU] also joined in after the initial student activity was repressed by campus party secretaries in mid-Oct. Some radicals climbed over the fence of NPC building on Dec 19th. Police bureau of Shanghai Municipality put up "six rules as to public security" at the square as a detente on Dec 23rd. Rumors of police barbarity against a Tongji student in Shanghai spread to Hefei, leading to a 3rd wave of protests among CSTU students on Dec 23rd. CSTU students demanded a dialogue with the city, ending in a petition letter submitted to the city by CSTU leaders. Students dispersed at night when the city agreed to make a response to student demands within 3 days. Hefei Municipality backed down by delaying the voting to Dec 29th and allocating an extra four quotas for CSTU. CSTU students then organized 'NPC election campaign speech corps" for propaganda both on campus and on the streets. Both Fang Lizhi and Wen Yuankai, plus a student called Sha Ma, were elected. World media descended upon Fang Lizhi for reporting on NPC election and student protest. Voice of America poured gas onto the fire by alerting the communist conservatives of the democracy activities. On Dec 29th 1986, People's Daily published an editorial, with a claim that "talking democracy does not mean departing from the path of four insistencies", and hinted "a handful of conspirators..." By late Dec, there were rumors in Peking stating that Hu Yaobang would be sacked. On New Year Day 1987, students again swamped onto Peking streets. Two weeks later, in Jan 1987, CCP General Secretary Hu Yao-bang was forced to resign by Deng and the Politiburo. Numerous memoirs pointed to Hu Yaobang walking out of politburo meeting with tears, still unconvinced that some of his politburo allies had lodged untrue accusations against him for the soft stance on students and intellectuals. (Per Wu Jiaxing's writing, Zhao Ziyang had nothing to do with Hu Yaobang's sacking, and later took in the followers of Hu Yaobang.) CCP's Economic Crimes During the ensuing two years, political liberalization enhanced economic corruption among the "prince and princess gang", with Zhao Dajun [i.e., Zhao Ziyang's son] and Deng Pufang [Deng Xiaoping's son] becoming the prime targets of the students. Hu's death in 1989 would trigger the Second Students' Movement which ended in the June 4th Massacre of 1989. During the Second Students' Movement, students mounted attacks at the phenomenon of "guan dao" [i.e., commodity resale by governmentally sponsored organizations] and blamed it on the princeling party. Complicating the corruption issue would be price hike of major consumer products around the turn of the year. Yuan Mu, i.e., some speaker of CCP Central, would become the most hated communist cadre for his TV-broadcasted message of "price adjustment". http://www.secretchina.com/news/articles/4/5/29/65847.html carried an article in regards to the nature of "guan dao", stating that it was CCP Central's evil "two track system" that led to "guan dao", not princeling party. CCP Central, at the time of economic reform in mid-1980s, distributed "production & consumption materials" to "state enterprises" at planned-economy price and to "non state enterprises" at market-determined price. The category of "non state enterprises" would include mostly sub-regional factories or working units, like shire-township enterprises [i.e., "xiang-zhen"]. (In section on 'All-People Registers' vs 'Collective Registers', we used Ma Hong's Economic Annals to define the "inferior" Collective Register Enterprises as those that did not enjoy government subsidy.) Similar to the agri-industrial scissor differential that discriminated against peasant entity [non-privileged class] versus city dweller entity [privileged class], CCP Central's "two track system" served the only purpose of differentiating further between privileged class and lesser-privileged class. Princeling party or "prince and princess gang", with firm grip of the Nation's "production & consumption materials", could easily make a living by signing "referral letters" or selling "surplus materials" for a market gain. After the Tian'an'men Square Massacre, communists found another game, i.e., the land enclosure movement that would see the peasants deprived of their fields at non-market rate in the name of urbanization and industrialization as well as the city dwellers forced to relocate on the pretext of "remodeling on the dilapidated houses". Communist leadership, in collaboration with capitalists, had been making windfall profits in selling land development permits or sub-contracting construction projects like skyscrapers, so-called 'noble' district for single-family residencies, high-rise luxury condominiums and shopping centers. Land, a resource owned by the State [i.e., CCP], was always a taboo topic prior to Deng Xiaoping's post-massacre "relaunching economic reform with a southern tour of SEZs [special economic zones]". Having brought to US the newspaper clips from "World Economic Journal" spanning multiple years, I finally threw them away. Nobody had really been able to predict the massive "land enclosure movement" that occurred in China after 1989 massacre. Neither did Wang Juntao's "Economics Weekly" make a good forecast on the subject. Heralding "economic positivism" since 1987, Chen Ziming, Wang Juntao and their "Social, Economical & Scientific Research Institute of Peking" played two constructive roles, i) calling attention to social, economic & political crises, and ii) transplanting Western economic theories and concepts, including stagflation, development economics, corporations as legal entity [i.e., "economic person"], existence of economic cycle in socialist economies, welfare system, and income distribution, government subsidy to city-dwellers. Wang Juntao, in 1988-1989, was wrongly pointing to "economic interests" as the barrier to internal reform by communists, not "political conservativism". 15 years later, at a forum (http://www.epochtimes.com/gb/4/6/4/n558888.htm), Wu Renhua, with Wang Juntao & Wang Dan, would have to agree on the fact that China's path to democracy and freedom could be even more tenuous due to a mutant communist party built on top of "economic interests" rather than of "ideological perseverance". 15 years after the massacre, against the context of world-wide rising price in copper, scrap metals, oil and cement [pulled by strong demand from China] would be the following scenes: state-owned enterprises had been dissipating into the hands of a handful; young or middle-aged workers were terminated employment in exchange for one-time payout; peasant migrant workers succeeded the most hazardous jobs in mines and factories; and hundreds of thousands of peasant children swamped to coastal economic zones as slave labor or child labor. In the background would be breaking families, predatory and selfish human character, and morally degenerate society. Enlightened Intelligentsia & Petition Movements Bao Zunxin, author of "Insider Stories of June 4th: An Unfinished Nirvana" [Wind & Cloud Publishing House, April 1997 edition, Taipei, Taiwan], gave account of the parallel thread to the student movement. (Bao Zunxin, similar to majority folks, including communists, had been either shy or timid, i.e., omitting the word "massacre", in giving name to his book.) "Insider Stories of June 4th" started with his Jan 28th 1989 attendance of "New Enlightenment Salon" gathering inside of Dule Bookstore at the invitation of the female proprietary owner Yu Yansha. Yu Yansha, who had a same name bookstore in Shenzhen Special Economic Zone, was a sociable woman capable of liaisoning with "distinguished" people both inside and outside of the "system" [i.e., government]. The Saturday gathering was originally intended for Wang Yuanhua's "new enlightenment book series" which did not look solid in the eyes of Bao Zunxin. Both Wang Yuanhua & Wang Ruoshui were the hosts. (Wang Yuanhua & Bao Zunxin, in 1988, adopted the term "new enlightenment" on basis of a term first proposed by CCP propagandist Chen Boda & Heh Ganzhi in 1930s.) At the scene, Bao Zunxin encountered Jin Guanshou & Liu Qingfeng couple who claimed that CCP leader Hu Qili had warned them in regards to a speech by Jin Guanshou that "the failure of some socialist countries was one of the two major events of 20th century". Jin Guanshou was the organizer of "21st Century Research Institute" and brought along his members like Zhang Gang and Jia Xinmin. Semi-retired communist theorists, like Li Rui, Dong Dalin, Qin Chuan, Hu Jiwei & Li Chang, also came. Together with the people "inside of the "system" would be those guys who had lost favor with communist leadership, including Su Shaozhi, Li Honglin, Yu Haocheng, & Wu Mingyu. Representing Chen Ziming's "Social, Economical & Scientific Research Institute of Peking" would be Min Qi, and representing Li Shengping's "Social & Scientific Development Research Institute of Peking" would be Zhang Xianyang, Li Ming & Yan Jiaqi. To the surprise of Bao Zunxin, Fang Lizhi, former university vice president of China Science & Technology University in Anhui Province, suddenly descended upon the salon, with almost simultaneous photo sessions by a few foreign reporters who had been waiting at the scene. Fang Lizhi stated that recently he wrote an open letter to Deng Xiaoping demanding the release of Wei Jingsheng [i.e., Democracy Wall activist] in accordance with "human rights declaration" that China had signed in 1948. Fang Lizhi further stated that in the past, he had adopted the approach of "fighting communists inside of system" by requiring that all staff members of his research institute at China Science & Technology University enroll in CCP. Fang Lizhi claimed that he had now decided to "fight communists from outside of system". After Fang Lizhi dropped the bomb, silence reigned in the salon. With the impasse, Wang Yuanhua announced dismissal of the gathering shortly afterward. Bao Zunxin was disappointed that nobody at the salon had mentioned the term "new enlightenment". Three days after the salon event, Bao Zunxin received a call from a friend "inside of the system", i.e., a warning in regards to Fang Lizhi's subversive activities. Bao Zunxin realized that he could be on a blacklist by then. In Hubei Province, Long Yuequn of Hunan Education Publishing House was interrogated by the public security bureau for attending the salon. In Shanghai, Wang Yuanhua received assurance from CCP deputy branch secretary Rui Xinwen in regards to the salon gathering. (Rui Xinwen belonged to moderate CCP leadership, by the way.) After the massacre, Bao Zunxin asked Wang Juntao repeatedly whether any "black hands" were behind student movement. Wang Juntao mentioned that some intellectuals did give opinions and ideas to students. However, Bao Zunxin stated that only Fang Lizhi had made visits to Peking University while Wang Ruoshui, after 1987 purge, had shunned himself from campuses. Bao Zunxin likened Fang Lizhi's inflamatory speech to writer Lun Xun's description of "sound asleep Chinese populace in a dark house with no windows". In following months, more intellectuals joined Fang Lizhi, demanding political reform. On Feb 12th, Sunday, poets Bei-dao [northern island] and Lao-mu [old wood] visited Bao Zunxin at his house. (I am not sure whether it was Bao Zunxin's new residency inside of "ti-zhi [bodily-system] gai-ge [reform] yian-jiu [research] suo [institute]". Do note communist play game with terminology in differentiating between ti-zhi [bodily-system] and zhi-du [system].) Bei-dao, who claimed he just returned to China but would leave for Britain again soon, produced an open letter for Bao Zunxin to sign, which was a followup to Fang Lizhi's call for general amnesty on two occasions: i) 40 year anniversary the founding of PRC on Oct 10th, and ii) 70th anniversary of May 4th Student Movement. It turned out to be the 33-signature open letter, with the first signatory being Bai-dao and the last one being Chen Jun. Bao Zunxin did not get to know the involvement of Chen Jun till he heard about a denounciation by a judicial ministry official on radio on Feb 22nd. In the following days, Bao Zunxin was shown a government-printed bulletin by Zhang Gang as well as received a copy in the mail about the 33-signature open letter. Senior female writer Bing-xin [icey heart] published a clarification letter on a HK newspaper on Feb 21st, claiming she did not know who Chen Jun was. Also in HK, CCP underground agents published an article about Wei Jingsheng's crimes on "Da [grand] Gong [public] Bao [newspaper]". CCP then transcribed the the two HK newspapers onto semi-internal party newspaper "News For [Your] Reference" as a propaganda war, ironically without carrying the contents of the original 33-signature open letter. Jing Jun of Peking University asked whether Bao Zunxin would be willing to be interviewed by American Broadcasting Corp. Bao Zunxin suggested Wang Ruoshui as a candidate for the interview. Chen Jun, a contributor to US-based "China Spring" magazine, had been engaged in anti-government activities via following covers, i.e., possibly possessing a US residency status, participating in "Chinese Modern Arts Exhibition" in Peking, and operating a "Jie Jie Bar" sort of business in Peking. Chen Jun, often rebuking Chinese intellectuals as "cowards", subsequently organized "work panel for general amnesty in 1989" by assembling a group of artists and intellectuals inside of his bar for signatures. By early March, Bao Zunxin was contacted by Taiwan's "xin xin wen" [i.e., New News] for comments on Chen Jun's signature collection activity. It is clear that both the communists and the activists were utilizing the same trick of "exporting for sake of re-importing news reports". While some professor at Peking University wrote a self-criticism, Bao Zunxin authored an article for a Taiwan newspaper clarifying his standground on the open letter. Synchronizing with Bai-dao and Chen Jun's signature collection activities would be that by Xu Liangying who took advantage of Hu Jiwei's "forum on democracy issues" held on Feb 26th inside of "Research & Development Company of Capital Steel & Iron Corporation [CSIC]". (The 60-participant "forum on democracy issues" was an activity organized by "democracy series" editorial committee and "Research & Development Company of CSIC".) With Wu Jiwei absent from signature activity due to People's National Congress membership, Xu Liangying assembled Li Honglin, Yu Haocheng, Zhang Xianyang, Wu Jiaxiang and Cao Siyuan etc for drafting and revising a declaration that was attentioned to top 4 CCP leadership, i.e., Zhao Ziyang, Wan Li, Li Xiannian & Li Peng. About 42 people, mostly scientists, signed the petition which was published on HK's "Jing [mirror] Bao [newspaper]". Thereafter, CCP clamped down on dissent by prohibiting the scheduled convention on "comparing May 4th Movement & French Revolution" in Hubei Province. On March 14th, the opening ceremony of Chen Kuide & Wang Yan's "Thinker" magazine was cancelled when Qianmen [front citygate] Hotel and subsequently Nanhua [southern China] Hotel declined them at the intervention of state security ministry. At the lobby of Nanhua Hotel, Dai Qing, i.e., some adopted daughter of senior CCP leader Ye Jianying, took advantage of the stranded crowd in launching a new 43-signature petition movement which Bao Zunxin declined. Dai Qing later claimed that she, Su Wei and Chen Kuide signed their names out of the fury over meeting cancellation. One week later, Dai Qing, in the name of HK-Taiwan intellectuals, requested for Bao Zunxin in launching another petition movement which both Bao Zunxin and Yan Jiaqi did not concur with. Someone from HK, by the name of Zhang Langlang, called Bao Zunxin as to the refusal. Bao Zunxin further mentioned that New China News Agency announced on March 28th that some HK visitor was banned from entry into China at Tianjin airport. (Never underestimate the communist infiltration abilities !!!) Second Students' Movement Students at Peking University seemed to be the propelling force behind assembly of meetings and demonstrations. They demanded political reform and "democracy civilization". Unlike Qinghua University, Peking University was noted for the democratic spirits that went back as far as the "new culture movement" of the 1910s. In contrast, Mao Tse-tung's communist regime had a tradition of trashing "curriculum of arts" and emphasizing on "curriculum of sciences" [for sake of Atomic Bomb Project, e.g.] since taking over power in 1949, yielding the sarcastic result that majority of CCP Politburo members were graduates of Qinghua University no matter their diplomas were real or faked. After the death of Hu Yaobang on April 15th 1989, at Peking University, big character posters showed up with calls for political reform. Some memoirs pointed out that "big character posters" followed the first appearance of "small character posters" on campus. Top two issues raised by students would be: i) restoring the reputation of Hu Yaobang; and ii) reversing the CCP Central decision in regards to 1987 'Anti-Bourgeoisie Liberalization Movement'. Inside of Peking University, student leader Wang Dan, who had obtained a permission to establish "democracy salon" at a corner near the Cervantes Statute, was said to have constant contacts with Fang Lizhi couple. Graduate student Feng Congde, who claimed to have no interest in politics, dropped off to read big character posters in the "triangle area" when his computer at the lab broke down. Feng Congde claimed that Chai Ling, i.e., his ex-wife, was a woman interested in going to US via 'F-2 spouse visa' for material pursuits but nevertheless got involved in student movement because of him. On 16th, Bao Zunxin received a call from Sun Changjiang stating that Hu Yaobang's son, i.e., Hu Deping, had set up an altar at the residency. At the time Bao Zunxin planned to go to Hu Yaobang's house, a Taiwan female reporter called him with information about "big character posters" inside of Peking University. (Bao Zunxin had a habit of often riding in Wang Limei's car in exchange for tips and news to the Taiwan newspaper.) Bao Zunxin rode on the reporter's car for the university, and stopped by to express condolence to Hu Deping who allowed public access to his house where people lined up around the building already. Bao Zunxin managed to go inside Peking University by claiming to visit an acquaintance, and observed lots of big character posters, poems and eulogies at San-jiao-di [i.e., triangle area]. Bao Zunxin then visited People's University where he located an acquaintance called Yu Shuo for information. Yu Shuo pointed out that students had been going to dance parties and other entertainment activities while writing big character posters in commemoration of Hu Yaobang simultaneously. Bao Zunxin later visited the two universities two more times, on 18th & 24th, respectively. On April 17th, in Shanghai, students from Eastern China Normal University, per Shi Tao, also went onto the streets. In Peking, ten thousand students swarmed onto Tian'an'men Square to show respect for the late leader. The next day, tens of thousands of students converged upon the square and in front of "People's Great Wall" for a demonstration against CCP Central's deliberate low-tone mourning arrangement. Students raised "seven demands". Bao Zunxin pointed out that students first proposed "five demands" on April 17th, that Wang Dan of Peking University proposed "nine demands" on April 18th, that Qinghua University proposed their demands on 19th, that Wang Dan revised on top of Politics & Law University demands to derive "seven demands" on 19th, and that People's University proposed "ten demands" on 18th. (CCP did authorize commemoration activity but did not offer the usual elegy of calling Hu Yaobang "a great Marxist". Lin Mu, who wired a condolence message to Li Zhao, came back to Peking on May 9th to join the 'Hu Yaobang Life' writing panel at CCP Party History Publishing House.) Students First Beaten By Police During Confrontation On April 19th 1989, students from colleges and universities of Peking were in confrontation with police on Tian'an'men Square, near Zhong-nan-hai [middle southern lake] CCP Party Apparatus. Students briefly breached police cordon and called the name of Li Peng, i.e., China's premier. By the night, police attempted to dispel the crowd by force at Xin-hua-men [New China] Gate. News soon spread, leading to widespread support from students across the country. Next day, escalated confrontations were classified as "April 20th Xinhuamen Incident". On the campus of Beijing University, Xiong Yan claimed to be the first student who jumped out of the crowd to make a public speech in calling for formation of "autonomous student union". Students organized a "preparatory committee of student movement of Peking University" when nobody from communist party or youth league organizations came out to assume the leadership. Bao Zunxin stated that he, like other intellectuals, deliberately kept a low profile for avoidance of being "a handful of conspirators" in the eyes of CCP Central. Thus, during two initial visits, Bao Zunxin could not locate the big character posters at People's University. On April 20th, Bao Zunxin declined the proposal from Wei Qun of "China Youth" magazine in lending support to students who were beaten up by police the previous night. In the afternoon, Yuan Zhiming called Bao Zunxin in regards to student demonstration, and Bao Zunxin agreed to meet with Yuan Zhiming at People's University. Having called over his driver, Bao Zunxing went to the campus where they, together with Wang Runsheng, Chen Xuanliang and Rong Jian, convened a meeting inside of Xie Xianjun's house. They decided upon a draft calling for a dialogue between the government and the students. (Here comes an important criticism of Chinese intellectuals as a whole: acting as "mediators", not leaders.) Then, they made arrangement for signature collection on the east side and west side of Peking the next day. The next day, 21st, on the east side of the city, Bao Zunxin brought the letter into "Academy of Social Sciences" and obtained signatures from History Institute, Marxism Institute and etc, including those of Yan Jiaqi and Yu Haocheng. (Cao Siyuan declined to sign.) Bao Zunyin sent along college student to the homes of Su Shaozhi and Wu Zuguang for signatures. By 6:00 pm, on April 21st, intellectuals with progressive thoughts, i.e., Bao Zunxin and Yan Jiaqi etc, numbering 47, who were mostly counsellors in Zhao Ziyang's "wise brain nucleus", published, on the poster area of both Peking University and People's University, the open letter to CCP Central with a call for heeding students' demands. In early morning of April 22nd, Zheng Yi brought the open letter to the Square and read to over 10000 sitting-in students. Zhao Ziyang's "wise brain nucleus" would include Wu Jiaxiang, i.e., the top representative of the school of thought on "neo-authoritarianism": Wu Jiaxiang was bent on likening China's dictatorship to the autocracy under Singapore's Li Guangyao. (Wu Jiaxia tendered his resignation letter on the morning of June 4th.) Throughout the late 1980s, numerous scholars and intellectuals published articles on Shanghai-based "World Economic Herald", touching on mostly economic reforms that would include sub-contracting, stock-holder ownership, and reform measures on salvaging state enterprises. The death of Hu Yaobang would shift the focus of those scholars and intellectuals to taboo topic of "political reform" instead of "economic reform". Dramatic Act Of Students Kneeling Down To Present Petition To CCP On April 22nd 1989, CCP Central held a funeral for late Hu Yaobang, with high remarks for his feats albeit omitting the reason why he was sacked in Jan 1987. Millions of Pekingers lined up on the boulevard to see the funeral van pass by. The funeral somehow pacified students. However, dramatic event kicked up again when three students, including Guo Haifeng, knelt down on the steps in front of the People's Hall with a petition. When communist leadership refused to receive the students, students were in tears. On April 23rd, students at Peking University, who had overthrown party-sanctioned student union, would convene a "joint meeting" in the name of "Peking Interim Consolidated Student Union" [i.e., 'bei gao lian'] and called for a general strike on May 4th 1989. Student activist Zhou Yongjun tacked on the "chair" post of "Consolidated Student Union of Colleges & Universities in Peking" from April 23 to April 27th, to be followed by Wu-er-kai-xi [i.e., April 28 & 29th] and Feng Conde successively. Feng Congde claimed that he did not know Wang Dan nor heard about "democracy salon" at the beginning. On April 23rd, CCP Peking Branch Commissar Committee convened a meeting for party branch secretaries of colleges and universities in Peking. CCP leaders, such as Li Tieying, Heh Dongchang & Liu Zhongde attended the meeting. Later in the evening, an expanded meeting was held by Li Ximing & Heh Dongchang for both principals and branch secretaries of 67 colleges and universities. Also on April 23rd, Chen Mingyuan stood out at the "Triangle Area" of Peking University by blasting at CCP Central's name-calling on radio on 19th & 20th. Chen Mingyuan denied that any "unidentified people with ulterior motives" were behind the students. On April 24th, 200 college teachers and professors called on CCP Central to conduct dialogue with students in the spirits of CCP Central's 13th Central Committee. Politics and Law University cautioned against crackdown by force. On the afternoon, CCP Peking Branch Commissar Committee conevened a meeting for standing committee members, claiming to CCP Central that they had the "methods" to solve student "turmoil" which were a result of 'Bourgeois Liberalization' flooding with implication of reactionaries from both inside and outside of the party as well as from both inside and outside of the country. Crackdown On "World Economic Herald", & "People's Daily" Commentary Meanwhile, CCP General Secretary made a scheduled official visit to North Korea, which turned out to be a bad decision at the time of turmoil: CCP Central issued April 26th Commentary on "People's Daily" in the absence of Zhao Ziyang. Wu Jiaxiang disclosed that Zhao Ziyang, before leaving for N Korea on April 21st, had instructed that no politburo meeting should be held in his absence but Yang Shankun & Li Peng immediately convened a "CCP Expanded Poliburo Meeting", then reported to Deng Xiaoping with meeting opinions, and then borrowed Deng Xiaoping's mouth in stating that CCP "should not fear bloodshed". Zhao Zhiyang's self account, recorded by Yang Jisheng, claimed that it was li Ximing & Chen Xitong who contacted Wan Li on the night of April 21st in request of convening a commissar meeting; that Wan Li relayed the info to Li Peng. Hence, Li Peng convened the meeting on the night of 24th, reported it to Deng Xiaoping on 25th, and was authorized to relay Deng's opinions to communist cadres; and that Li Peng took advantage of the occasion to draft a newspaper commentary for publication on April 26th. On April 25th 1989, CCP's secretary in Shanghai, i.e., Jiang Zemin, cracked down on the dissent by ordering a re-organization of Qin Benli's "World Economic Herald". This independent herald action by Jiang Zemin would later pave the way for him to assume the role as CCP general secretary in place of Zhao Ziyang after the massacre. Several writings exposed hatchetman Jiang Zemin, a student of puppet Central University in Nanking in early 1940s, had wavered between pro-Deng and pro-Zhao camps during this interval. In deed, communist bureaucrats all over the country, who had observed the developments on the Square for discerning the wind direction, would pay for their wrongly choosing side after the massacre. In Peking, "paramount" leader Deng Xiaoping listened to the reports by Li Peng and Chen Xitong in regards to student movements. (Bao Zunxin cited Chen Xitong's reports in pointing out that it were Hu Qili & Li Ximing who had reported to Deng Xiaoping on the morning of April 25th.) Deng Xiaoping made a decision that this student movement, being a turmoil [i.e., rebellion], should be dealt with under "conspicuous flags" [i.e., straightforward CCP guidelines]. On April 26th, CCP's throat and tongue, i.e., "People's Daily", published an editorial [authored by Hu Qili & Yang Shangkun] against the "student riots", claiming that riots should be dealt with under "conspicuous flags". In Shanghai, Jiang Zemin's CCP Shanghai Committee announced the dismissal of Qin Benli's editor-in-chief post. (Qin Benli was renowned for his constant claim of playing ping-pong ball by the edge of the table. It was said that Jiang Zemin, on New Year Day of 1989, had pretentiously assisted Qin Benli in passing the scolding by CCP Propaganda Department in regards to the publication of Su Shaozhi's sensitive article that Zhang Weiguo had privately obtained for relay to Shanghai's newspaper agency. Before the series of aricles commemoration Hu Yaobang, Qin Benli had allied with Taiwan "United Newspaper" in publishing Qian Jiaju's article. After April 15th death of Hu Yaobang, Qin Benli published scripts of a forum discussion that Zhang Weiguo had co-hosted with "Observer" panel against the objections from Wang1 Daohan & Jiang Zemin. It was Zeng Qinghong & Chen Zhili who had raised the issues.) Central TV Station first broadcast "People's Daily" editorial on the night, about 7:00 pm, accusing student movement of being "anti-Party and anti-socialism". (Bao Zunxin stated that it was Xu Weicheng who drafted the editorial, for which Xu was promoted to the post of deputy minister for CCP's Propaganda Department after the massacre.) At about 9:00 pm, students from major universities called Bao Zunxin with their plan for a massive street protest the next morning. Bao Zunxin immediately contacted Tao Siliang [i.e., daughter of Tao Zhu and a deputy bureau chief under CCP's United Front Ministry] for mediation. Bao Zunxin requested for Tao Siliang to relay a "restraint" message to CCP Central in the name of 100 intellectuals. Meanwhile, teachers and professors were trying to stop students from leaving campuses. Massive Demonstration On April 27th On April 27th, tens of thousands of students went on the street to protest against "People's Daily" editorial, claiming that the student movement was patriotic. Students again breached police cordon. CCP-controlled State Council, headed by premier Li Peng, promised to conduct a dialogue with students. (Government records, per Chen Xiaoya, stated that after "April 26th Editorial", in the timeframe of April 27th to May 5th [per Zhang Liang], for a second time, army units from 38th group army, i.e., 6th tank division, engineering regiment and communications regiment, about 5100 soldiers, were sent to the Great Hall in Peking via 234 trucks in the name of "preparatory force for stopping turmoil". The "preparatory force for stopping turmoil", later withdrawn, would apparently serve as the sweeping force again on June 3rd, which clearly invalidated claims that blindfolded soldiers from remote areas were employed for bloody crackdown.) Later on April 29th, during a "Modern Culture Research Society" meeting inside of Academy of Social Sciences, Tao Siliang claimed that everybody had passed April 27th peacefully, with "college students behaving 'lovely' and communist party successfully withstanding a test of democracy". At the meeting, Dai Qing suggested that Bao Zunxin wrote a letter to CCP in appreciation of the restraint. On April 29th, Feng Congde succeeded from Wu-er-kai-xi the "chair" post of "Consolidated Student Union of Colleges & Universities in Peking". On April 30th, Zhao Ziyang returned to Peking from North Korea. Bao Tong immediately conveyed "student reactions to 4-26 Commentary" to Zhao Ziyang. On this day, Bao Zunxin attended a "May 4th 1919 Movement" forum hosted by Asian Pacific Times at Lu Xun Museum. At the meeting, Yuan Zhiming rebutted neo-authoritarianism, and pointed out the lagging behind of political reform versus economic reform. Xie Xianjun claimed that this student movement did not have behind-the-scene manipulators in contrast with KMT-era student movements in which CCP played a role. Bao Zunxin criticised April 26th commentary as well as Yuan Mu's speech. Fei Yuan of "Economics Weekly" stated that April 20th news report as to police brutality on the night of 19th by Xinhua News Agency was untrue. Chen Mingyuan displayed photos about students' kneeling with petition after April 22nd funeral. Hunger Strike & Student-CCP Dialogue On May 1st, Peking students issued a letter to HK compatriots. On 2nd, Shanghai students, numbering hundreds of thousands, paraded on the streets and marched to the gate where CCP Shanghai Committee was located. Shanghai students demanded freedom of press and revocation of restrictions on demonstrations. On May 3rd, Ding Shisun, i.e., schoolmaster of Peking University, expressed sympathy for students but advised against parading outside of campus. Elsewhere in the country, college students had already taken advantage of the May 1st Labor Day for liaisons and travels. Some students travelled to Peking on their own accord, while some students were dispatched to Peking as "relief". May 4th Youth Day was utilized as a rallying opportunity. At http://www.epochtimes.com/gb/4/5/31/n554809.htm, Pan Qiang of Shandong University stated that Shandong University students secretly made preparations for their May 4th demonstration on the evening of May 3rd 1989. (In communist so-called "sacred land", Yan'an University launched a demonstration on May 15th 1989.) On May 4th, CCP General Secretary Zhao Ziyang, during a meeting with Asian Bank board, expressed his opinion that students, "still supportive of CCP and reform", had their grounds in expressing dissatisfaction over corruption and CCP's mistakes and blunders. (Bao Tong authored the World Bank speech for Zhao Ziyang.) The next day, at the same meeting, Premier Li Peng stated that government did not approve "some" actions of the students who had caused disruption and havoc with strike and protests on the Chinese continent. Hunger Strike After May 4th 1989 parade, students returned to campuses, and classes resumed. Chai Ling claimed that it was Zhou Yongjun who proclaimed a return to school by betraying the student movement. Feng Congde claimed that he had hence resigned the "chair" post of "Consolidated Student Union of Colleges & Universities in Peking" on May 6th and returned to school for preparation of graduation thesis. Feng Congde's professor was happy to see him back in lab and commented that China, with so many patriotic youth, again had hope now. However, computer broke down again, and Feng Congde returned to Tian'an'men Square. Li-zi-jing, at http://www.secretchina.com/news/articles/3/10/16/53075.html stated that it was Li Xiannian & Bo Yibo who proposed to Deng Xiaoping on May 6th that CCP Central must take "drastic measures" against student movement. Deng Xiaoping convened an interim meeting the next day and demanded concerted understanding within Politburo. Li-zi-jing further stated that Deng Xiaoping went to Wuhan of Hubei Province on May 8th for rallying army support, and had meetings with commanders of various military disctricts from 8th to 12th. (Chen Xiaoya concurred with May 8th-12th timeframe.) On May 9th, over 200 reporters and media workers walked to "National Reporter Association" to present a petition bearing 1000 reporters and representing over 30 agencies. Zheng Yi & Su Xiaokang also participated, and later called Bao Zunxin for a meeting on Dec 12th. Reporters requested for a dialogue with CCP Propaganda Department. Over thousand students rode bikes in accompaniment of the reporters. Bao Zunxin claimed that May 9th reporter petition movement rekindled the student movement. On May 12th 1989, People's National Congress published a notice on newspaper stating their intent to discuss the issues raised by students. (Here is another communist compromise that was ignored by students.) Hating Zhou Yongjun of Peking Consolidated Student Union for aborting student movement, Chai Ling talked about a hunger strike at Peking University. When Wang Dan organized the hunger strike, Chai Ling joined in immediately. Past 10:00 pm, Gao Shan [i.e., deputy chief of "political bodily-system reform bureau"] informed Bao Tong that a comrade from CCP branch commissar committee at Peking Normal University had disclosed that students were planning for hunger strike beginning on 13th. Bao Tong immediately instructed Qian Liren that the notice from People's National Congress must be re-printed in the most conspicuous spot of major newspapers by 13th. Bao Tong asked Gao Shan write an article appealing for calmness on the part of students. On May 12th, Bao Zunxin made a speech at Wang Dan's democracy salon inside of Peking University. Bao Zunxin met with Zheng Yi & Su Xiaokang at 6:00 pm as scheduled at "solidarity lake park". They, including Liu Zaifu and Li Tuo etc, changed to a nearby hotel for the meeting. With over 40 participants, Zheng Yi & Su Xiaokang drafted "May 16th Declaration" in the name of the whole intellectual arena. Initially, Bao Zunxin advised against a planned May 15th demonstration by intellectuals, claiming that it might complicate scheduled student hunger strike or disrupt coming Gorbachev state visitation. Intellectuals set the time at 2:00 pm May 15th and the locality of Fuxing-qiao Overpass area. They contacted Yan Jiaqi for revision of declaration at the end of the meeting. On May 13th 1989, at about 2:00 pm, three thousand students began a hunger strike petition on Tian'an'men Square. College teachers and professors organized "teacher corps to the relief of students". At night, Yan Mingfu of United Front Ministry somehow persuaded Wuer Kaixi into relocating hunger strike, which Chai Ling etc declined. (Radical student leader Li Lu proposed self-burning on a later occasion for sake of being the first to die in lieu of fellow students.) On this day, per Li-zi-jing, Deng Xiaoping relayed army commander's allegiance to about 15 senior CCP advisory committee members and bragged he was confident that "nobody else [other than Deng Xiaoping] could mobilize a division, or a regiment, or a garrison battalion". Deng Xiaoping ordered that the military district of Jinan of Shandong Province dispatch troops to Peking. Dai Qing Brokering Mediation Between CCP & Students On the night of May 13th, Dai Qing called Bao Zunxin with an invitation to CCP's "Guangming [Shining] Daily" newspaper, claiming that CCP leader Hu Qili had requested for assistance in mediating over students' hunger strike. At 2:00 pm, May 14th, Bao Zunxin arrived at the newspaper headquarter and found out major initiators of "May 16th Declaration" were all invited over by Dai Qing. Separately, on May 14th, Zheng Yefu of Academy of Social Sciences paid a visit to Wang Juntao & Chen Ziming at "Economics Weekly" agency, claiming that Yan Mingfu of CCP United Front Department had requested for mediation. Wang Juntao & Chen Ziming hence got involved in student movement. At the meeting, student leader Wang Chaohua was sent over by CCP United Front Ministry, with an urgent appeal to mediating over students' hunger strike. After Dai Qing talked over the phone with United Front Ministry, Bao Zunxin and his gang were given a meeting place inside of Tao-ran-ting Park for a meeting with students. Wen Yuankai, Su Xiaokang and Yan Jiaqi drafted an appeal on behalf of CCP but added a clause stating Chinese intellectual's determination to be in same trench as students should CCP eat their words. Bao Zunxin, having failed to discern the political standground of "Guangming [Shining] Daily" editor-in-chief, left the scene with doubts about the authority behind this mediation request. At the park, the folks pressured Dai Qing into signing her name in the first spot, which would become something to implicate her in prison after the massacre. Dai Qing, like many other opportunists, merely used her imprisonment for gaining international prestige after the massacre.) After a short meeting with about 20 students, the mediators were trucked away to CCP United Front Ministry by Dai Qing. Dai Qing claimed to students that whatever "intellectual mediators" had talked about at the newspaper agency would be published by tommorrow. After winning applauses from students, the crowd went to Tian'an'men Square for sake of persuading students into stopping hunger strike. When they arrived at the scene, it was already darkness. Wen Yuankai, Li Honglin and Yan Jiaqi, went to the square to express support for the hunger strike students. With Dai Qing's suggestion, Wen Yuankai requested that hunger students stop their action should the intellectuals successfully obtain two conditions from CCP, including the appearance of Zhao Ziyang & Li Peng onto the Square. Students answered with a roar, demanding that Zhao Ziyang & Li Peng must say something instead of just appearing at the square. Dai Qing counter-offered by asking students whether it would be OK for Zhao Ziyang & Li Peng to state one sentence that "students were patriotic". Students answered 'Yes'. Having returned to CCP United Front Ministry [UFM], CCP UFM chief Yan Mingfu just stated, "Thank you folks. I will find cars to send you guys home in a while." Bao Zunxin r |
![Though, Anna Wang [Anneliese Martens], in her memoirs, expressed jealousy over Gong Peng by stating that the Anglo-American reporters had flattered the Chinese communists and the communist movement as a result of being entranced with the goldfish-eye'ed personal assistant of Zhou Enlai](GongPeng.jpg)
